From 2005 till January 1, 2007, the same civil society leaders linked to the US embassy were highlighting the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) as a corrupt political entity that patronizes pro-Pakistani jihadist elements, even though the Jamaat-e-Islami and Hefazat Islam’s mother organization Islami Oikyo Jote–a pro-Taliban Qawmi madrasa platform–were also part of that coalition government.

The mainstream media echoed the narrative supplied by the military, the US and its Western community that the government was conducting political reforms to cleanup the mess.

Grameen Bank’s then managing director and son of the Pakistan Muslim League leader Dula Mia Saudagar, Prof Muhammad Yunus, who was conferred the Nobel Peace Prize in 2006 as a political award by the US, was all-in-all behind the 1/11 government as he lacked confidence to take the office of the Chief Adviser.

After 17 years, the same actors are in power and are talking about extensive reforms to weaken the BNP, eliminate the Awami League and rehabilitate Jamaat and its extremist elements.

The army was the de-facto ruler in 2007 since they declared an emergency before cracking down on politicians, but this time, to avoid criticism, they didn’t do the same mistake. Instead, they gave themselves magistracy powers in September 2024.

The inaction of the army during curfews in July 2024 and the March to Dhaka program on August 5 expose its intentions. Moreover, the massive anarchy, mass killings of police and Awami League members, occupation of property, and the systematic persecution of the minorities after the fall of the Awami League government show how the army was working with Jamaat and jihadists to establish a pro-US and pro-Pakistani government.

The army’s assistance is also exposed as the leaders of the student wing of Jamaat-e-Islami, the notorious Islami Chhatra Shibir, have started to take credit for designing and organizing the student-led uprising in July under the guise of an anti-quota movement. Jamaat-Shibir never considers camouflage as unethical, rather justifying the tactics as a tool during jihad.

The release of al-Qaeda and Islamic State militants and the army’s inaction during mob violence by the militants disguised as Touhidi Janata expose the government’s mindset clearly.

The allegations against the army put forward by former home minister Asaduzzaman Khan Kamal, and the activities by the pro-US and pro-jihadist former army officers before the fall of the Sheikh Hasina government also reveal the camouflaged army coup on August 5.

The Trump administration’s suspension of funds through the USAID and investigations into the role of the US deep state in regime change also give the impression that former US ambassador Peter Haas and former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton were behind the anti-quota movement turning into an anti-fascist uprising.

1/11 changeover: How it happened and why

The military intervention of 2007 is yet regarded as one of the most debated events in Bangladesh because of the behind-the-curtain deals and its remarkable impact on the country’s political culture during the two-year-long stay of the caretaker administration.

The high-voltage events that took place at Bangabhaban and Dhaka Cantonment on January 11—only 10 days ahead of a scheduled national election—were murky for the nation.

The military high-ups and chiefs of other armed forces met the then president and caretaker government chief adviser, Iajuddin Ahmed, and compelled him to declare a state of emergency, resign as chief adviser and suspend the scheduled election.

Nine advisers submitted their resignations following the president’s declaration of a state of emergency. Only law and justice adviser Justice Fazlul Haque, the senior-most person, agreed to serve as acting chief adviser, pending the selection of a new chief adviser.

The army approached Prof Muhammad Yunus, but he declined when asked to accept the position of chief adviser. Later, former Bangladesh Bank governor Fakhruddin Ahmed was chosen and was sworn in as chief adviser the next day. All of this happened in a rushed but planned way.

The whistleblower website WikiLeaks disclosed these developments described by US embassy officials in Dhaka in telegrams sent to Washington on January 12, 2007. Some of those were written by Patricia A Butenis, the then-US ambassador.

‘Fakhruddin non-controversial’

Introducing Fakhruddin, the US envoy stated that the embassy’s perception of his management of the central bank during his tenure as governor had been “positive” and he was “well respected as the governor”.

He joined Bangladesh Bank in 2001 after he had served at the World Bank since 1978.

Before taking charge of the military-backed caretaker government in 2007, Fakhruddin was at the helm of the government-run microfinance institution Palli Karma-Sahayak Foundation (PKSF) that aims at poverty alleviation.

“He is a non-controversial figure,” Butenis wrote.

The DGFI boss stated that the three services chiefs along with then army principal staff officer Maj Gen Md Jahangir Alam Choudhury and chief of army staff Lt Gen Moeen U Ahmed had met Iajuddin Ahmed at Bangabhaban at their request around 5pm on January 11.

They urged the president to declare a state of emergency, resign as chief adviser and appoint a new chief adviser, cancel the scheduled January 22 elections and reschedule new elections after creating the conditions for free, fair, and credible elections in which all parties would participate.

The officials had not given the president time to consider his decision because they “knew if he asked [the BNP], he would be told not to agree”, Butenis said, quoting Brig Gen Amin.

He claimed that the president had accepted the military’s arguments “on the need for a state of emergency, but did not say, nor did the ambassador ask, whether the decision resulted from undue pressure,” Butenis wrote.

The envoy cautioned the military to avoid getting too involved in reforms best left to an elected civilian government, including addressing corruption and economic reform, problems not amenable to quick fixes (citing the problems of the military in Thailand).

She doubted that a civilian government backed by the military could have a lasting impact. “Permanent reforms are best undertaken by elected officials,” she wrote.

More changes

Soon after getting the president’s nod, the then director general of National Security Intelligence (NSI), Maj Gen Md Rezzaqul Haider Chowdhury, was relieved of his duties. Butenis wrote that he was “seen by many as closely associated with BNP Chairperson Khaleda Zia’s son Tarique Rahman”.

Iajuddin’s press secretary M Mokhlesur Rahman Chowdhury was also sacked. He was widely believed to be the conduit for BNP influence over the president, the envoy wrote.

When Butenis asked about the role of the military, Brig Gen Amin said it would be “strictly in support of the government”.

The envoy wrote: “He stressed that authority would rest with the civilian leaders. He committed continued military support to civilian law enforcement authorities to maintain law and order.”

He expected that conditions would return to normal shortly and the curfew would be lifted within a matter of days.

Reasons behind intervention

Brig Gen Amin claimed that the moves were motivated by three factors – the UN statements that military participation in a one-sided election could jeopardise its participation in the peacekeeping operations, concern over renewed threats from Jama’atul Mujahideen Bangladesh (JMB) to thwart the election and continuing protests by the opposition Awami League and its planned actions against the elections.

He said these factors had led the military to conclude that there was a risk of civil order breaking down, triggering the army’s decision to approach the president.

The DGFI chief listed the main objective to create conditions for holding free, fair and credible elections participated in by all parties roughly in a one-year timeframe.

“He outlined several steps the interim government would take: reconstituting the Election Commission, developing a credible voter list, and establishing a roadmap to free and fair elections,” Butenis wrote.

He also named “two more ambitious goals: addressing corruption and revamping the economy”, but did not elaborate on the economic agenda.

‘Arrests justifiable’

In the cables, the ambassador observed that the situation in Dhaka on January 12 had been “calm” when there was a regular curfew for six hours from 11pm.

She, however, expressed concern over unsubstantiated reports of arrests and detentions when the number varies from “hundreds” to “thousands”, including two former MPs (from Awami League and BNP) with “notorious reputations as crime bosses”.

The ambassador said based on the information available, “these appear justifiable on law enforcement grounds and not politically motivated. Neither party’s supporters appear to have been singled out”.

15,000 arrests in 10 days

In another cable sent on January 23, the envoy said police, army, and other security personnel had arrested around 15,000 people, including established criminals as well as local and student leaders of both the Awami League and especially the BNP.

However, no leader or supporter of the Jamaat-e-Islami was arrested in the crackdown.

Nineteen deaths in custody were reported during January 11-23, when the BNP leaders told the US ambassador that the arrests had reflected a government bias against it.

“Tarique Rahman acknowledged to us that some of his party’s detainees are naughty but insisted others are innocent of wrong-doing. But the arrests are broadly welcomed by Bangladeshis desperate for respite from insecurity and political confrontation,” Butenis said in the cable.

US interests

The envoy on January 12 said the US and the international community had been “deeply concerned over plans to hold a one-sided election” and had pressed the caretaker government and the parties to cooperate to find a political solution to a clearly political issue.

“We neither proposed nor endorsed particular solutions; that is up to the parties to decide.”

The ambassador reiterated Washington’s message on the need for free, fair and fully participatory elections.

She wrote: “We will be watching whether political rights are respected, including freedom of speech, assembly and the press, and how quickly Bangladesh moves towards elections. We will also monitor arrests to be sure they are neutral and not politically-motivated.”