Some pro-Pakistan army officers of the Bangladesh Army, unable to cope with their defeat in the Liberation War, carried out a brutal massacre at Dhanmondi No. 32 on August 15, 1975, resulting in the death of the then President Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and his family members.

Secret documents of the US State Department reveal that the US Embassy in Dhaka was aware of the coup plot as a revenge killing long ago. Immediately after the assassination, Pakistani President Zulfikar Ali Bhutto and the Nixon-Kissinger administration happily gave unconditional support to the killers’ military rule.

The killers’ leader, Colonel Khandaker Abdur Rashid, and his brother-in-law, Colonel Syed Farooq Rahman, were in contact with the US embassy. According to the then Ambassador Davis Boster, he had known Farooq since 1972.

In July 1973, Farooq and Rashid went to the embassy separately to discuss the prices of various weapons. On May 13 of the following year, Farooq alone went to the house of a senior embassy official and informed him of the plan for a military coup and asked about the possibility of obtaining US cooperation.

The purpose of killing Bangabandhu was to seize power and establish an Islamic republic like Pakistan and to eliminate the Awami League in order to get out of Indian influence in newly established Bangladesh. To that end, Major (dismissed) Shariful Haque Dalim confirmed the seizure of power in his radio speech that morning, claiming responsibility for the murder. Dalim declared Bangladesh as an Islamic republic and also spoke about imposing a state of emergency and a curfew.

From that day on, the slogan “Bangladesh Zindabad” began to be used instead of the slogan “Joy Bangla” and the name of Bangladesh Betar was changed to Radio Bangladesh in line with Pakistan.

In his first speech at 6:10 in the morning, Dalim said, “Sheikh Mujibur Rahman has been killed. Khandaker Mushtaq Ahmed has become the new president.” Multiple statements, which he made immediately, were as follows: I am Major Dalim. From this morning, the military has seized power under the strong leadership of Khandaker Mushtaq Ahmed. From now on, martial law has been imposed across the country. All of you should cooperate with us. You should be at ease; you will not face any difficulties. Long live Bangladesh.

Although Dalim mentioned the issue of imposing martial law in his speech, the military government issued the order on August 20.

After Dalim, Mushtaq said in his radio address that he became the president due to a historical need, for the sake of the greater interests of the country and its people and relying on the Most Merciful Allah and the countrymen. The patriotic military came forward to his help as heroes.

Then the heads of the army, navy, air force, Rakkhi Bahini, police and BDR, who were forced to appear at the radio station, expressed their loyalty to the government and gave speeches on the radio. There is no evidence of the involvement of the armed forces chiefs in the assassination of Bangabandhu and the seizure of power.

However, if Major General KM Shafiullah had been able to resolve the ongoing unrest and chaos in the army and if Deputy Army Chief Ziaur Rahman had not joined hands with the killers, perhaps the plan to kill the Father of the Nation and his family could have been thwarted.

Dalim, Rashed Chowdhury reappear

Recently, fugitive convict Dalim claimed in an interview on YouTube that he had formed an army council for a 25-year military and political program during the Liberation War to work against Indian aggression. Its main goal was to seize power by killing Bangabandhu and implementing the plan. At that time, when Dalim told Ziaur Rahman about the plan, he touched the Quran and swore that they would not tell anyone about this organization until they came to power.

However, the murderer Dalim wrote in his book that they killed Bangabandhu because of his arbitrary attitude, suppression of opponents, corruption and the formation of Baksal, etc. after independence.

US-based YouTuber Elias Hossain, the son of a wartime collaborator of the Pakistani Army who is facing multiple fraud cases in Bangladesh, interviewed Dalim on January 5, when the fugitive convict dismissed crimes done by the Pakistan Army and their local collaborators linked to Jamaat-e-Islami and its student wing Islami Chhatra Sangha (now Chhatra Shibir), Muslim League and other Islamist parties, denied the killings of intellectuals at the fag end of the war and downplayed mass rapes of Bengali women.

In late January, Elias also interviewed another fugitive convict, Colonel AM Rashed Chowdhury, who boasted that he was proud to have taken part in the August 15 coup.

Pro-Pakistani elements

Khandaker Mushtaq is known as a traitor in the history of Bangladesh for his cunning, jealousy, deceit, greed, and flattery. During the Liberation War, he tried hard to form a confederation, negotiating with America and Pakistan instead of working for an independent Bangladesh by bypassing the leadership of the Mujibnagar government based in Kolkata.

After independence, he took up the ministerial post and conspired with the Pakistan-loving army members. And after August 15, he called the killers the brightest officers of the army. In the next few months, he wanted to bury Bangabandhu, the Awami League, Bengali nationalist consciousness and culture, socialism, democracy, and the principles of secularism from Bangabhaban, where the coup plotters used to stay to oversee his activities.

By August 20, at least 17 countries, including Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, Jamaat-e-Islami, Mujib-hater Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhashani, who was the president of a section of the pro-Peking National Awami Party, and ultra-leftists recognized the Mushtaq government.

On behalf of Bhutto, the Pakistani ship Safina-e-Ismail departed for Bangladesh with 50,000 tons of rice, cloth and other gifts. In a letter to Mushtaq, Bhutto referred to Bangladesh as an Islamic republic.

Abu Ala Maududi, founder of the radical Islamist party Jamaat-e-Islami, expressed his excitement and said that this murder was the infinite mercy of Allah and the victory of Islam. It is worth mentioning that during the 1971 genocide, Maududi wrote an open letter to Bangabandhu to protect the integrity of Pakistan in line with the call of General Agha Muhammad Yahya Khan.

Leaders and activists of Jamaat and student organization Islami Chhatra Sangh participated in the genocide by forming the Peace Committee, Razakar and al-Badr forces as collaborators with the Pakistan Army. General Yahya also paid salaries to the Razakar and al-Badr members.

After the August 15 coup, the military officers announced a new cabinet with ten ministers and five state ministers from Bangabandhu’s time; they tried to convince the people that the leaders of the Awami League had killed their main leader out of greed for power. However, even though Mushtaq was the president, he was actually a paper tiger. The killer majors and colonels created an atmosphere of panic in the entire country, including the cantonment, through murder and mass arrests of MPs, civil servants and Awami League politicians.

However, on August 23, Bangabandhu’s associates and the top four leaders of the Awami League: Tajuddin Ahmed, Syed Nazrul Islam, M Mansur Ali and Kamaruzzaman were arrested because they did not agree to join the cabinet. On November 3, out of fear of counter-revolution or as part of a plan, Mujib’s killers brutally assassinated these four national leaders in the Dhaka Central Jail.

In the next few years, thousands of wartime collaborators facing trial were released from jail, the ban on religion-based parties was lifted, and restrictions were imposed on leftist parties. Secularism was removed from the constitution.

On August 24, more of the masterminds of the coup were exposed when there was a major reshuffle in the armed forces: General MAG Osmani, who had resigned from Bangabandhu’s cabinet in May 1975, was made Mushtaq’s military advisor. Zia came into the limelight for the first time and took an oath as the army chief, revealing his long-standing regrets. Brigadier HM Ershad, who had returned from Pakistan after independence and was training in India during the Mujib murder, took over as the deputy chief.

A new post, Chief of Defense Staff, was created to induct the then Bangladesh Rifles chief, Major General Khalilur Rahman. At the same time, Army Chief KM Shafiullah was transferred to the Foreign Ministry, but there was no change in the designation of Brigadier Khaled Mosharraf, who was regarded as a Mujib follower and pro-India.

More recognition of military rule

Others who planned and supported the assassination of Bangabandhu were Colonel Abu Taher, the vice-president of the Central Organizing Committee of the Jatiya Samajtantrik Dal (JSD) and the founder of the armed organization Gano Bahini, and the Marxist revolutionary Siraj Sikder, who formed the Purbo Banglar Sarbahara Party on June 3, 1971.

According to the information of the murderer Dalim, he was associated with this proletarian party. Siraj Sikder was killed in a reported crossfire in the custody of the security forces on January 2, 1975. After that, the incidents of murder, robbery and deaths in internal conflicts by this force decreased to a great extent. However, it appears that they had the highest support and cooperation in the assassination of Bangabandhu due to their reactionary philosophy.

The Soviet charge d’affaires in Bangladesh called on President Mushtaq at Bangabhaban on August 24 and conveyed the decision of his government. The next day, the Dhaka press carried prominently placed front page items announcing the Soviet recognition of the new government of Bangladesh. The USSR welcomed the decision of the government to promote relations of understanding and cooperation with all countries and honour all international treaties and agreements concluded by Bangladesh.

In response to Mushtaq’s efforts to gain India’s recognition, Indira Gandhi on August 28 said India was “unshakably committed to the pursuit of friendship and cooperation with Bangladesh and with all our neighbours,” according to press reports.

She also hoped that the new government would continue its commitment to goodwill and cooperation in the subcontinent and a fulfilment of the ideals on which Bangladesh was built.

On September 1, the Dhaka press reported the message by Chinese Premier Chou En-Lai recognizing the People’s Republic of Bangladesh. “I am convinced that the traditional friendship between our two peoples will grow steadily,” he said.

The PRC recognition was a feather in President Mushtaq’s cap, permitting him to assert more than ever Bangladesh’s intention to follow a “balanced” foreign policy by reducing Indian influence.

On September 9, a martial law court in Dhaka found seven people guilty of possession of illegal arms, according to press reports. Six of the convicts were sentenced to 14 years of rigorous imprisonment and one was given seven years.

Five of the men, including Aminul Huq alias Tipu Biswas, were known as leaders of underground left extremist groups. They had been in detention for at least a year, some for more than two years.

The convictions took place even as a general amnesty was in place till September 13 for those surrendering illegal arms.

On November 4, Khaled Musharraf staged a military coup, but he was content with just taking the post of army chief without removing President Mushtaq. But he could not take full control of the army. On November 7, Colonel Taher and Zia-backed army members killed Khaled Musharraf, bringing Zia to the centre of power. But the following year, Taher, who had lost a leg in the Liberation War, was hanged in a kangaroo trial in a military court. The US and Pakistan also fully supported Zia’s military rule due to his anti-India stance.

Ambassador Boster knew everything

After the news of Bangabandhu’s assassination reached Washington, President Richard Nixon’s security adviser Henry Kissinger met with his team. The officials said that in March 1975, the CIA had warned Bangabandhu about a coup plot, but he dismissed the possibility, saying that no one would do such a thing to him.

Kissinger, calling Bangabandhu the greatest fool in the world, also wanted to know about the assassins. At that time, an official said that the assassins were pro-US, anti-Soviet, anti-India and pro-Pakistan.

The US ambassador met Bangabandhu on August 5, 1975. On that day, various topics, including the Baksal program and the Israel-Palestine issue, were discussed, but the ambassador did not give any message about the military coup. Earlier, the ambassador had information about possible military coups in January, March and April.

According to US envoy Davis Boster, on May 13, 1974, Farooq went to the US embassy without an appointment and wanted to meet a senior official. He wanted to know the US government’s attitude if the army seized power through a coup. He also asked whether the US would help prevent the intervention of foreign powers, especially India.

He said that he had been sent by the highest officer of a part of the army to find out about these issues. In response, the official said that the US would not interfere in Bangladesh’s affairs in any way.

In a cable sent to the State Department about this meeting, Boster said that there was no possibility of a coup in the army.

Earlier, on July 12, 1973, Farooq had gone to the embassy without an appointment in plain clothes and asked for the prices of various armoured vehicles, light tanks and weapons.

In a cable, Boster said that the previous day, Khandaker Abdur Rashid went to the embassy without an appointment and in army uniform. He asked about the prices and availability of light anti-aircraft guns, radars, locating devices, mortars and small spy planes. Both said that they were working as members of a committee headed by Zia.

On the other hand, the then Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi had warned Bangabandhu about the attempted military coup in 1974 and 1975 based on intelligence information.

The culture of impunity

After taking power through a counter-coup on November 7, 1975, Ziaur Rahman rewarded the killer officers with jobs in various embassies. Later, the Ershad and Khaleda Zia governments continued that trend. For example, on September 26, 1975, the Mushtaq government issued an ordinance granting immunity to the killers for the August 15 murders. In 1979, General Zia’s BNP government gave constitutional approval to this ordinance.

Neither Ershad nor Khaleda Zia took the initiative to prosecute them. Instead, they were given jobs in various embassies.

Twenty-one years later, in 1996, the Awami League came to power and repealed the Indemnity Act, paving the way for the trial of the killers. Bangabandhu’s party came to power in the next term through the 2008 elections. The government executed five of the killers: Farooq Rahman, Sultan Shahriar Rashid Khan, Muhiuddin Ahmed, Bazlul Huda and AKM Mohiuddin Ahmed. Then in 2020, Abdul Majed was arrested and executed.

In addition, accused Aziz Pasha died in Zimbabwe in 2002 while on the run. Among the fugitives, it was learned a few years ago that Khandaker Abdur Rashid was in Germany or Pakistan, SHMB Noor Chowdhury in Canada, AM Rashed Chowdhury in the United States, and Shariful Haque Dalim was in Spain and Pakistan. The Awami League government could not succeed despite many efforts to get back Noor Chowdhury and Rashed Chowdhury, because the governments of Canada and the US did not agree to hand them over to Bangladesh.