Over the last six months, since the student uprising that unseated the CPN-Congress coalition government on September 9, 2025, Gen Z has become hopeless after seeing their patrons indulge in the same old political traditions of infighting and craving for power. At one point, prominent Gen Z patrons—like former Kathmandu mayor Balendra Shah and volunteer Sudan Gurung—joined the youth-led Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) in December to solidify their chances of winning the elections slated for Thursday.
The duo’s political identity is new, but Balen and Sudan had long been working closely with the West-backed Rabi Lamichhane, who formed the RSP in 2022 and won seven direct seats and 13 proportional seats in the House of Representatives. In the following years, the trio worked separately in their respective fields but campaigned against the coalition government on similar issues, such as authoritarian rule, corruption, nepotism, and the extravagant lifestyles of the “Nepo Kids”—the flashy children of political elites. Their campaigns echoed the narratives of foreign rights groups, controversial Western donors like the National Endowment for Democracy (NED), USAID, Open Society Foundations of George Soros, civil society leaders, journalists’ blocs, and opposition parties. Seminars, street protests, and critical reports dominated the political arena in the Himalayan nation of some 30 million people, most of whom maintain a nationalist spirit and are not as politically conscious or revolutionary as Gen Zs.
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Nepal: Why this sudden hysteria among Gen Z over an old issue?
While Nepalese people over 40 years of age remained calm and nonchalant despite the year-long anti-establishment campaigns, the restless Gen Zs—teenagers and young adults—were easily influenced. They created storms on social media and in the streets by raising their voices against the government’s corruption, lack of job opportunities, and perceived inclination toward China.
Sudden Hysteria?
The hysteria the Gen Zs displayed during the uprising was triggered by restrictions on social media platforms through a coordinated effort; it was not spontaneous. Pro-monarchy demonstrations leading up to the uprising also played a key role in building momentum for the massive protest on September 8. According to media reports, Nepal witnessed approximately 4,000 protests in the year leading up to the uprising. All these anti-government groups participated in the march to the Federal Parliament building at New Baneshwor from Maitighar in the heart of Kathmandu on September 8. As per the prior announcement by Hami Nepal—a youth-centric NGO run by 36-year-old activist Sudan Gurung—the protesters were supposed to hold a peaceful demonstration demanding an end to corruption and nepotism, as well as the withdrawal of the ban on social media platforms.
The organizers even stated that they would offer flowers to the police if obstructed. However, when the procession reached near the parliament and the police stopped them with barricades, the attendees became defiant and vented their anger against the ruling elite at the law enforcers. As protesters broke through the cordon and some entered the parliament premises while pelting bricks, the police retaliated with tear gas, water cannons, and rubber bullets, triggering mass hysteria. They chanted slogans against leaders, including Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli, demanding that he “leave the country.”
In the blink of an eye, a so-called peaceful demonstration by Gen Z and civil society turned into an anarchist riot, exposing their intention to overthrow the government and capture power. The city police declared a curfew, authorizing the use of live bullets, which resulted in the deaths of protesters. The next day’s mayhem at the parliament, the residences of the president, prime minister, and ministers, along with the looting of arms by Gen Z protesters and marauding opposition activists, prompted KP Sharma Oli to step down.
Even after the mindless violence, the situation did not spiral out of control as it did in Bangladesh, thanks to timely intervention by the Nepal Army. Thereafter, the interim administration led by former chief justice Sushila Karki took effective steps to restore normalcy: it formed a high-powered commission to investigate the deaths and arson attacks, arrested over 400 anarchists, and appointed figures with clean images as cabinet colleagues.
Within weeks, the Gen Z leaders and patrons divided into dozens of groups over issues of leadership, the formation of the interim government, and election modalities. Patrons like Balen and Sudan faced opposition even during press conferences. Social media platforms were flooded with allegations of corruption, abuse of power, reckless and discourteous behavior, foreign backing, and unethical practices by Gen Z leaders. The mainstream media, as well as the architects of the regime-change blueprint, remained silent on these allegations in an attempt to make them more acceptable to the common people.
Foreign Influence
In recent years, Nepal has seen the rise of a new force outside traditional parties: foreign-funded NGOs, journalists, youth civic groups, and social media influencers. They called for drastic changes in governance and politics to promote democratic values and human rights, stop repression, censorship, corruption, and abuse of power, and encourage accountability and transparency among political leaders. Funds were also channeled to generate debate around China’s influence on Nepal’s democratic institutions, involvement in infrastructure projects and the non-governmental sector, and exposure of procurement issues.
The top financier, the US, suggested how Nepalis could become a more sovereign, prosperous society based on shared values as it sought partnerships with influential leaders and groups, key populations, government, and civil society. The US insisted that Nepal needed to better manage its development partnerships and decrease dependence on foreign assistance to improve resource management and service delivery to citizens. Otherwise, Nepal risked deeper economic dependence on its neighbors and the erosion of a free press, civil society, and public support for the governance system.
Mischievous Hami Nepal
Sudan Gurung’s Hami Nepal announced the demonstration by Gen Zs (aged below 28) for September 8 against corruption and demanding the withdrawal of the ban on social media platforms.
Hami Nepal claims its donors are its activists, but some backers have questionable ties. For example, Deepak Bhatta of Infinity Holding was a mediator in an arms procurement deal for Nepal Police and was accused of corruption in 2022; Shanker Group’s top official Sulab Agarwal was arrested in April 2020 on charges of black-marketing infrared thermometers; and Dr. Sanduk Ruit, founder of the Barbara Foundation, had close ties to the CIA.
It has also received support and funds from several Nepali organizations, such as Albatroos, actors and media personalities like Priyanka, Khadki, and Swasmita Khadka, and big brands like Coca-Cola, Al Jazeera, Glodster, Mulberry Hotels, and Time Pharmaceuticals.
Reckless Balen
September 2, 2023, is a memorable day for Balen Shah, a 35-year-old engineer-rapper who became a top social media influencer after being elected mayor of Kathmandu in 2022. Around 9 p.m., a municipality vehicle with government registration carrying his wife, Sabina Kafle—a public-health professional and social media figure—was stopped by traffic police for a routine check. The officer asked the driver for permission to use a government vehicle on a public holiday (Saturday). The vehicle was not detained for more than two or three minutes, nor was it searched, and the officer let it go without recording the registration number. But the mayor reacted sharply: he phoned the Kathmandu Chief District Officer to inquire why the municipality vehicle was stopped and checked. He vented his anger on social media, saying he would “set Singha Durbar on fire” if any municipal vehicles were stopped by the government next time, terming it a “thief government.”
Allegations of recklessness, corruption, abuse of power, mismanagement, and irregularities against Balen Shah have been underreported in the media, apparently because of his constant accusations against the government and the children of political elites for similar offenses.
After being elected mayor, Balen Shah aggressively removed illegal structures across Kathmandu by demolishing homes, shops, and commercial buildings. Although his actions were legally justified, his harsh and insensitive approach sparked outrage among the poor, as he did not provide adequate alternatives or compensation.
He was also labeled rude and anti-poor when he launched a campaign to remove street vendors to clear Kathmandu’s sidewalks and make space for pedestrians.
Balen Shah created hype after ordering municipal garbage to be dumped outside the office of the CPN (Maoist) party to draw attention to the city’s waste management issues, blaming political inaction. He staged a dramatic protest by piling garbage in front of the Department of Roads’ office, blaming it for negligence regarding road maintenance.
He frequently clashed with the federal government, and the constant tension between his office and central authorities hindered development work that required effective collaboration.
His plans to modernize and alter parts of Kathmandu’s traditional and cultural heritage sites drew criticism from preservationists and traditionalists.
Balen’s most sensitive controversy was displaying the map of “Greater Nepal” on the wall in his office, which depicted territories historically part of Nepal but now within Indian borders, triggering diplomatic tension.
Not only the mayor but also his close group of advisers, known as “Team Balen,” is controversial for abuse of power and corruption, thus questioning his leadership and neutrality. Team Balen includes individuals such as Kumar Benjankar, Sunil Lamsal, Santosh Pandey, Shailendra Jha, Sudip Dhakal, Arjun Ghimire, Harishchandra Lamichhane, and Bhoopdev Shah, who play various advisory roles across different departments.
In the year before the uprising, Balen Shah and his team faced an image crisis due to a flood of complaints filed with the Commission for the Investigation of Abuse of Authority (CIAA). The allegations included irregularities in procurements at the municipal office; extortion of large sums from major commercial structures for approving building plans and awarding contracts without competitive bidding; advisers taking privileges like fuel allowances, unauthorized use of vehicles, and extensive foreign trips funded by the metropolitan office; and collecting tolls from footpath hawkers.
The RSP president, Rabi Lamichhane, was arrested in October 2024 following accusations of cooperative fraud, and Dol Prasad Aryal served as acting president. He was freed from jail hours before Oli’s resignation, exposing an alleged evil plan behind the protests. After being jailed again by the interim government as per the law, Lamichhane was finally released in mid-December after depositing a total of Rs 374.84 million. The largest party of the Gen Zs has also been criticized for selling party nominations to new faces and neglecting the contributions of its leaders, many of whom resigned in the run-up to the elections.
The rise of Rabi Lamichhane, Sudan Gurung, and Balen Shah was hailed by many as the dawn of a new political era in Nepal—one driven by youthful energy and promises of transparency. Yet their controversies, mismanagement, and growing accusations of corruption suggest otherwise. By deflecting blame onto leaders like KP Sharma Oli, they may temporarily distract from their own failings, but the public mood is shifting. Nepal’s frustrated youth, once their strongest allies, are beginning to question whether these so-called reformers are any different from the establishment figures they condemned. Thursday’s elections will determine the country’s future leaders, with only nominal changes likely in the government.